Showing posts with label WSJ. Show all posts
Showing posts with label WSJ. Show all posts

Thursday, 9 December 2010

China's Global War on Human Rights Why Beijing is promoting a world-wide rejection of postwar international norms.

CLICK HERE TO VIEW THIS ON The Wall Street Journal

DECEMBER 9, 2010

By JAMIE F. METZL

Mr. Metzl, the executive vice president of Asia Society, served in the State Department during the Clinton administration and as a United Nations human rights officer in Cambodia. [http://asiasociety.org/keyword/jamie-metzl]

On Friday in Oslo, the Nobel Peace Prize will be awarded to jailed Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo. Many around the world will watch, but a handful of world leaders won't be in attendance. Even the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Navanethem Pillay, won't be there.

Their absences come after a relentless pressure campaign by China's government—one which is a symptom of a broader global transformation. Though China's rapid rise has had many positive implications, it has also seen Beijing severely undermine the international human rights system.

In the shadow of World War II and the Holocaust, a series of documents codified the principles of a universal human rights system. They included the U.N. Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the genocide convention, which asserted that states no longer had the unlimited right to murder their own citizens. Because prewar nationalism had helped foment such catastrophe, compromises to absolutist concepts of state sovereignty—and assertions of individual human rights—were cornerstones of this revolutionary development in international affairs.

These norms and practices developed (unevenly and with large, deadly exceptions) over the second half of the 20th century. To give just a few examples: The 1975 Helsinki Accords, signed in spite of Cold War differences, codified certain human rights protections in international law; sanctions on apartheid South Africa played a key role in that country's transformation; and states took strong action to protect the human rights of Kosovar Albanians against their sovereign state. Inadequate responses to genocides in Cambodia and Rwanda were widely seen as failures to live up to a human rights standard that was nevertheless gaining increasing legitimacy.

China's rise has changed this.

Beijing often sees absolute national sovereignty as a key to national cohesiveness.

There are many reasons for this. The country has seen its sovereignty violated repeatedly by Western powers and Japan over the past 200 years. Today it fears secessionist movements in Xinjiang and Tibet, and it also seeks to assert authority over Taiwan. It is also animated by a culture that often places collective progress over individual rights. China's concept of sovereignty stands in sharp contrast to the norms of the postwar human rights system.

Wherever human rights are massively abused today, China is the main protector of the abusing government. In Sudan, China shielded the Bashir government in the U.N. as Sudanese troops and allied militias used Chinese arms to commit genocide in Darfur. Brutal regimes in Burma and North Korea similarly could not survive without strong Chinese support, protection and weapons. China has blocked efforts to prevent Iran from gaining nuclear weapons and to pressure Zimbabwe and Sri Lanka to adhere to international human rights norms.

Because China helps protect these regimes—and often benefits commercially, in the form of deals for natural resources—international efforts to protect human rights generally have no net effect on the abusing regime's actions. States must choose to stand up for human rights standards—with minimal prospects for success and often to their own strategic detriment—or not. That the latter option is increasingly chosen implicitly confirms that the state-enforced international human rights system is dead.

This doesn't mean that there is not a role for setting international standards, or that citizens' rights movements are dead, even in places like China. It also doesn't mean that human rights advocates should not rejoice at what China has done to bring hundreds of millions of its people out of abject poverty.

It does mean, however, that those unlucky souls around the world who find their rights massively abused by their own governments can, thanks largely to China, expect little or no help from foreign states.

Monday, 13 September 2010

THE WALL STREET JOURNAL: - U.N. Scrambles Over Remarks

United Nations diplomats Sunday worked to avert a row over remarks by a high-ranking U.N. official from China who expressed his dislike of Americans and his boss, U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon.

Sha Zukang, the U.N.'s undersecretary-general for economic and social affairs, speaking at a meeting in Austria earlier this month, said "I don't really like Americans," and told Mr. Ban, who was present, "I never liked you, either," according to U.N. officials.

The officials said Mr. Sha, a famously outspoken advocate for China who was previously Beijing's U.N. ambassador, appeared to be drunk at the time. Mr. Sha has since apologized to Mr. Ban, said one U.N. official.

"The matter is resolved and we are not taking up any further action," the official said. Mr. Sha couldn't be reached for comment over the weekend.

Still, some senior U.N. officials said they were worried about Mr. Sha's credibility ahead of a global conference on sustainable development to be held in Rio de Janeiro in 2012. Mr. Sha is in charge of the conference, for which preliminary diplomatic preparations have begun. "There were concerns about him heading this even before this incident," said one official.

Mr. Sha's remarks come at an especially tense time in relations between the U.S. and China. And they could revive concerns among some in the U.S. about anti-American sentiment at the U.N. ahead of the organization's annual General Assembly session, which starts this month.

Washington shrugged off Mr. Sha's comments over the weekend. "We don't take it personally," State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley said Sunday. "He seems to be cranky at lots of folks. It will not affect our relations with China."

Ties between Washington and Beijing are strained on a range of issues, from China's foreign-exchange policy to U.S. military strategy in Asia. The U.S. Congress is to hold hearings on China's currency policy this week. Critics say China is giving its exporters an unfair advantage and making U.S. unemployment worse by not allowing its currency to appreciate significantly.

Mr. Sha, 62 years old, has gained a reputation in diplomatic circles for speaking bluntly, at times in ways that appear designed to be provocative. While his style is unusual for Chinese officialdom, his views are in line with those of a sizeable portion of the Chinese establishment that believes Beijing should be more assertive on the world stage.

In the 1990s, when Mr. Sha was China's chief arms-control negotiator, he was well-known for rude remarks, often aimed at the U.S. in off-the-record briefings for foreign reporters in Beijing. In a 2006 interview with the British Broadcasting Corp., he blasted the U.S. after then-Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld criticized Chinese military spending.

"It's better for the U.S. to shut up. Keep quiet. It's much, much better," said Mr. Sha, at the time China's ambassador at the U.N. "It's high time to shut up."

Mr. Sha's most recent remarks came at a gathering of U.N. officials in Alpbach, Austria, earlier this month. There, he said of Robert Orr, assistant U.N. secretary-general for policy coordination and strategic planning: "I really don't like him. He's an American and I really don't like Americans."

But Mr. Sha then tempered his remarks by praising Mr. Orr for a speech he gave at the Copenhagen climate change conference earlier this year.

Mr. Sha then singled out Mr. Ban, the U.N. secretary-general. "I know you never liked me, Mr. Secretary-General," he said. "Well, I never liked you, either." He softened his tone later, saying he had reluctantly come to admire the U.N. and some things about Mr. Ban.

Mr. Sha's remarks were reported by Foreign Policy magazine and the Washington Post and confirmed by U.N. officials.

U.N. officials said Mr. Ban considered the matter closed. They said he wouldn't dismiss Mr. Sha unless pressed to do so by the Chinese government. Chinese officials in Beijing and New York couldn't be reached for comment over the weekend. A U.N. official said Mr. Ban's close aides had been in touch with Chinese officials about the incident.

—Jason Dean in Beijing contributed to this article.

Write to Joe Lauria at newseditor@wsj.com and Jay Solomon at jay.solomon@wsj.com

Tuesday, 1 December 2009

The Climate Science Isn't Settled


Is there a reason to be alarmed by the prospect of global warming? Consider that the measurement used, the globally averaged temperature anomaly (GATA), is always changing. Sometimes it goes up, sometimes down, and occasionally—such as for the last dozen years or so—it does little that can be discerned.

Claims that climate change is accelerating are bizarre. There is general support for the assertion that GATA has increased about 1.5 degrees Fahrenheit since the middle of the 19th century. The quality of the data is poor, though, and because the changes are small, it is easy to nudge such data a few tenths of a degree in any direction. Several of the emails from the University of East Anglia's Climate Research Unit (CRU) that have caused such a public ruckus dealt with how to do this so as to maximize apparent changes.

The general support for warming is based not so much on the quality of the data, but rather on the fact that there was a little ice age from about the 15th to the 19th century. Thus it is not surprising that temperatures should increase as we emerged from this episode. At the same time that we were emerging from the little ice age, the industrial era began, and this was accompanied by increasing emissions of greenhouse gases such as CO2, methane and nitrous oxide. CO2 is the most prominent of these, and it is again generally accepted that it has increased by about 30%.

The defining characteristic of a greenhouse gas is that it is relatively transparent to visible light from the sun but can absorb portions of thermal radiation. In general, the earth balances the incoming solar radiation by emitting thermal radiation, and the presence of greenhouse substances inhibits cooling by thermal radiation and leads to some warming.

That said, the main greenhouse substances in the earth's atmosphere are water vapor and high clouds. Let's refer to these as major greenhouse substances to distinguish them from the anthropogenic minor substances. Even a doubling of CO2 would only upset the original balance between incoming and outgoing radiation by about 2%. This is essentially what is called "climate forcing."

There is general agreement on the above findings. At this point there is no basis for alarm regardless of whether any relation between the observed warming and the observed increase in minor greenhouse gases can be established. Nevertheless, the most publicized claims of the U.N.'s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) deal exactly with whether any relation can be discerned. The failure of the attempts to link the two over the past 20 years bespeaks the weakness of any case for concern.

The IPCC's Scientific Assessments generally consist of about 1,000 pages of text. The Summary for Policymakers is 20 pages. It is, of course, impossible to accurately summarize the 1,000-page assessment in just 20 pages; at the very least, nuances and caveats have to be omitted. However, it has been my experience that even the summary is hardly ever looked at. Rather, the whole report tends to be characterized by a single iconic claim.

The main statement publicized after the last IPCC Scientific Assessment two years ago was that it was likely that most of the warming since 1957 (a point of anomalous cold) was due to man. This claim was based on the weak argument that the current models used by the IPCC couldn't reproduce the warming from about 1978 to 1998 without some forcing, and that the only forcing that they could think of was man. Even this argument assumes that these models adequately deal with natural internal variability—that is, such naturally occurring cycles as El Nino, the Pacific Decadal Oscillation, the Atlantic Multidecadal Oscillation, etc.

Yet articles from major modeling centers acknowledged that the failure of these models to anticipate the absence of warming for the past dozen years was due to the failure of these models to account for this natural internal variability. Thus even the basis for the weak IPCC argument for anthropogenic climate change was shown to be false.

Of course, none of the articles stressed this. Rather they emphasized that according to models modified to account for the natural internal variability, warming would resume—in 2009, 2013 and 2030, respectively.

But even if the IPCC's iconic statement were correct, it still would not be cause for alarm. After all we are still talking about tenths of a degree for over 75% of the climate forcing associated with a doubling of CO2. The potential (and only the potential) for alarm enters with the issue of climate sensitivity—which refers to the change that a doubling of CO2 will produce in GATA. It is generally accepted that a doubling of CO2 will only produce a change of about two degrees Fahrenheit if all else is held constant. This is unlikely to be much to worry about.

Yet current climate models predict much higher sensitivities. They do so because in these models, the main greenhouse substances (water vapor and clouds) act to amplify anything that CO2 does. This is referred to as positive feedback. But as the IPCC notes, clouds continue to be a source of major uncertainty in current models. Since clouds and water vapor are intimately related, the IPCC claim that they are more confident about water vapor is quite implausible.

There is some evidence of a positive feedback effect for water vapor in cloud-free regions, but a major part of any water-vapor feedback would have to acknowledge that cloud-free areas are always changing, and this remains an unknown. At this point, few scientists would argue that the science is settled. In particular, the question remains as to whether water vapor and clouds have positive or negative feedbacks.

The notion that the earth's climate is dominated by positive feedbacks is intuitively implausible, and the history of the earth's climate offers some guidance on this matter. About 2.5 billion years ago, the sun was 20%-30% less bright than now (compare this with the 2% perturbation that a doubling of CO2 would produce), and yet the evidence is that the oceans were unfrozen at the time, and that temperatures might not have been very different from today's. Carl Sagan in the 1970s referred to this as the "Early Faint Sun Paradox."

For more than 30 years there have been attempts to resolve the paradox with greenhouse gases. Some have suggested CO2—but the amount needed was thousands of times greater than present levels and incompatible with geological evidence. Methane also proved unlikely. It turns out that increased thin cirrus cloud coverage in the tropics readily resolves the paradox—but only if the clouds constitute a negative feedback. In present terms this means that they would diminish rather than enhance the impact of CO2.

There are quite a few papers in the literature that also point to the absence of positive feedbacks. The implied low sensitivity is entirely compatible with the small warming that has been observed. So how do models with high sensitivity manage to simulate the currently small response to a forcing that is almost as large as a doubling of CO2? Jeff Kiehl notes in a 2007 article from the National Center for Atmospheric Research, the models use another quantity that the IPCC lists as poorly known (namely aerosols) to arbitrarily cancel as much greenhouse warming as needed to match the data, with each model choosing a different degree of cancellation according to the sensitivity of that model.

What does all this have to do with climate catastrophe? The answer brings us to a scandal that is, in my opinion, considerably greater than that implied in the hacked emails from the Climate Research Unit (though perhaps not as bad as their destruction of raw data): namely the suggestion that the very existence of warming or of the greenhouse effect is tantamount to catastrophe. This is the grossest of "bait and switch" scams. It is only such a scam that lends importance to the machinations in the emails designed to nudge temperatures a few tenths of a degree.

The notion that complex climate "catastrophes" are simply a matter of the response of a single number, GATA, to a single forcing, CO2 (or solar forcing for that matter), represents a gigantic step backward in the science of climate. Many disasters associated with warming are simply normal occurrences whose existence is falsely claimed to be evidence of warming. And all these examples involve phenomena that are dependent on the confluence of many factors.

Our perceptions of nature are similarly dragged back centuries so that the normal occasional occurrences of open water in summer over the North Pole, droughts, floods, hurricanes, sea-level variations, etc. are all taken as omens, portending doom due to our sinful ways (as epitomized by our carbon footprint). All of these phenomena depend on the confluence of multiple factors as well.

Consider the following example. Suppose that I leave a box on the floor, and my wife trips on it, falling against my son, who is carrying a carton of eggs, which then fall and break. Our present approach to emissions would be analogous to deciding that the best way to prevent the breakage of eggs would be to outlaw leaving boxes on the floor. The chief difference is that in the case of atmospheric CO2 and climate catastrophe, the chain of inference is longer and less plausible than in my example.